Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea

09/12/2024 | Press release | Distributed by Public on 09/11/2024 18:39

Remarks by H.E. Kang Insun Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Seoul Diplomacy Forum (SDF) 2024

Remarks by H.E. Kang Insun

Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs

Seoul Diplomacy Forum (SDF) 2024



Good morning everyone. I am very pleased to be here and say a few words at this year's Seoul Diplomacy Forum.

I wish to start by joining Chancellor Choe in welcoming our distinguished speakers, not least those from abroad.

The presence of leading thinkers not just from the US, Japan and China, but also from India, is especially apt. Indeed, no discussion of international order in the Indo-Pacific would be complete without factoring in the role of India.

Even a few years ago, the question of international order would have been viewed as too abstract a topic for policy-makers. It was rather seen as a topic best left for academic discussions.

But today, academics and policy-makers alike are grappling with this issue like never before. The fact that former foreign and defense ministers and a national security advisor will be joining this discussion later today speaks volumes.

The trajectory of the US-led international order is likely to affect all countries and all governments in real and palpable ways : not least US allies including the Republic of Korea.

After all, Korea has undoubtedly been one of the prime beneficiaries of the rules-based international order that was shaped under US leadership after the Second World War.

Korea exists as we know it today because there were countries that came to our aid to repel North Korea's invasion in 1950. They did so not because their national interests were at stake but because they believed in the importance of upholding the UN Charter which outlawed aggression.

Korea would not be the economically prosperous nation it is today were it not for a rules-based multilateral trading system conducive to Korea's export-driven growth model.

Today, countries across the globe are condemning North Korea's nuclear and missile provocations that threaten South Korea. They do so because North Korea's actions flagrantly violate multiple UN Security Council resolutions.

One can only guess how history might have unfolded if the most powerful country in the world had acted narrowly in its own self interest, rather than out of a broader sense of leadership and responsibility.

As professor Hal Brands put it, "what would become of the world if the United States became a normal great power?"

But it takes more than the preeminent power alone to uphold the rules-based international order. Others, too, must step up. Other nations must also shoulder responsibilities commensurate with their status and strengths.

Some nations have been punching above their weight, and some below.

In the early decades following the Korean War, South Korea's weight in global affairs was admittedly marginal. It therefore mattered little whether Seoul was punching above or below its weight.

But today, Korea is among the twelve largest economies in the world and a vibrant democracy. It has more fortune 500 companies than several G7 countries. Korean semiconductors are the lifeline on which countless modern technologies run. Korean defense products help make democracies around the world more secure.

Thus, the choices that Korea makes today matter for the present and future of global order. Korea would not be doing right if it punched below its weight.

Yet until recently, Korea's preoccupation with the challenge posed by North Korea constrained its ability to play a larger role in buttressing the rules-based international order.

The Yoon Suk Yeol administration's vision of becoming a Global Pivotal State marks a deliberate departure from this narrow view of Korea's interests. Korea now seeks to actively harness its growing strengths in the service of freedom, peace and prosperity around the world.

Unlike in the past, Korea consciously sees its own interests as being better served by an international order that is free of coercion and free of unilateral changes to the status quo by force. Korea's Indo-Pacific Strategy lays out a roadmap for doing what it can to strengthen that order.

The Yoon Suk Yeol administration has been making three core lines of efforts.

First, we are strengthening our network of ties with like-minded partners.

Building on the momentum of the Camp David Summit, we are taking trilateral Korea-US-Japan cooperation to new heights across all domains. The afternoon session on this topic will offer a timely opportunity to take stock of the progress made.

Enhancing coordination among the IP4 countries-Korea, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand-and advancing our collaboration with NATO and with the G7 are also important priorities.

We are keen to hold minilateral dialogues that include India, a Special Strategic Partner with shared values. As Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar stated in a speech here at the Korea National Diplomatic Academy in March, the "Korea-India partnership can emerge as a significant factor in the Indo-Pacific."I could not agree more.

We are also expanding the circle of countries with whom we have 2+2 Foreign and Defense Ministerial meetings. In addition to the United States and Australia, we will be having 2+2 meetings with the United Kingdom and Canada.

Last month, Germany became the 18th member of the United Nations Command, demonstrating its commitment to contributing more actively to peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.

It goes without saying that Korea also attaches huge importance to strategically managing our relationship with China.

As can be seen with the Korea-Japan-China summit meeting in May, trilateral Korea, Japan, China talks also help stabilize our bilateral relationship with China. We also see great strategic merit in making sure that our 2+2 dialogue with China continues unimpeded.

Second, Korea is strengthening its partnerships with the Global South.

Korea does not have a history of colonial rule, which makes the countries of the Global South even more receptive to cooperating with Korea.

Last year, Korea held the first-ever Korea-Pacific Islands Summit. This year, we held the first-ever Korea-Africa Summit. We will be elevating our relations with ASEAN to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership next month. Next year, we plan to host the first-ever Korea-Central Asia summit.

It is not often that one sees a country holding such summits with different global south groupings across different regions. Such networks allow both sides to advance our shared interests and also contribute to enhancing Korea's economic security.

Third, Korea is demonstrating leadership in shaping the 'rules of the game' in future domains where Korea holds a comparative advantage, such as AI and cyber security.

In May, we hosted the AI Seoul Summit and Global Forum, advancing discussions on AI governance in the non-military domain. Next week, we will host a high-level conference, where a blueprint for action on the responsible use of AI in the military domain will be put forward.

In March, leveraging our experience with democratization, we organized the third Summit for Democracy. A global partnership to protect democracy from digital threats has been strengthened as a result.

To sum up, Korea is building a dense and multilayered network of partnerships with like-minded advanced nations and the Global South, and helping to shape the rules of the road for the future.

Korea's extensive global diplomatic networks can serve as force multiplier for making the rules-based international order more resilient in the face of huge uncertainties.

Deepening partnerships with Korea will therefore help make other like-minded groups such as the G7 stronger.

On that note, let me close by expressing my best wishes for a fruitful and insightful forum.

Thank you.