30/08/2024 | Press release | Distributed by Public on 30/08/2024 22:10
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Good evening, sorry for being so late. It has been one of the most intense Foreign Affairs Ministers [meeting] of the last five years.
To start with, we had a discussion with Minister Kuleba on how to best support Ukraine at all levels: militarily - tomorrow, we will discuss in depth with the ministers of defence - but diplomatically too, given the proximity of the United Nations General Assembly in New York and Ukraine's proposal for a second summit. As you can imagine, both tracks are intertwined.
Let me start by reiterating what I said earlier - well, I said many times: Ukraine's counter-offensive operation in Kursk has dealt a blow to Putin's narrative. Ukraine has shown strategic audacity and has made Putin's narrative about the "Special Operation" completely futile.
Many Member States expressed support to the Kursk operation as part of Ukraine's inherent right to self-defence in accordance with the United Nations Charter. [Minister] Kuleba stated how this operation has eroded the myth of Russia's invincibility.
In February [2022], two and half years ago, Putin launched a war believing that it was going to last a couple of weeks - and it is lasting more than a couple of years. And he is not in Kyiv. He is withdrawing and even Russian territory is being attacked.
These months have been very difficult. This summer has been very difficult and bloody. This Monday 26 August, we saw Russia's massive [air] attack. 300 missiles and drones in a single day against Ukrainian cities, targeting critical energy infrastructure. But not only - hospitals and health centres are being bombed too.
And we will see more, because Russia wants to put the whole Ukraine in the darkness and in the cold. And believe me, in Ukraine in winter, it is very cold. This is the purpose: to annihilate the electricity capacity of Ukraine before the winter.
We got a lot of information about how things are going on the battlefield, how the attack to Kursk is changing the game on the frontline in Donbass.
But the air defence remains existential for Ukraine. And the message of [Minister] Kuleba was crystal clear - our support, the European support - makes a difference, but our delays are too costly. It has been too costly yesterday, it is too costly today, it will be too costly tomorrow.
You heard me this morning: Ukraine can be very successful in the battlefield if we truly do whatever it takes. As we like to say: "whatever it takes and on time." Delays are measured in lives. They cannot only hold and defend, but with the adequate support they can push back against the aggressor. So we must speed up and increase deliveries.
There was also something clear, a clear demand by Member States for harsher measures against sanctions circumvention. This work starts at home: the increase of exports from Europe to some states which are close to Russia, the increase of European exports to these states close to Russia, from the East and from the South. It is difficult to explain this appetite for European goods, immediately after the war started, skyrocketing, increasing every day. There is no explanation without prospecting that there is circumvention of sanctions behind it. So we have to start by due diligence on European companies themselves, not only sanctioning third country companies, but start looking at ourselves. If we want to fight against circumvention, this has to start at home.
We also tackled the diplomatic track, which is growing in importance. Our strategic objective is clear: a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, based on the United Nations Charter and international law. So far, only [Ukrainian President, Volodymyr] Zelenskyy's Peace Formula fulfils this requirement.
We exchanged with Minister Kuleba on our joint global outreach and the UNGA High-level Week in September. This is a priority meeting. We are very interested of course in President Zelenskyy's plans for a second summit. But it is clear that Ukraine wants to negotiate towards a real peace, whereas Putin, so far, only wants Ukraine's surrender and subjugation. This is the reality.
That is why we continued by discussing the ever-deteriorating situation in Ukraine. The war continues, the scenario has changed radically this August. It is true that Russia is pushing in the Donbass, it is true that the pressure of the Russian army in Donbass has not decreased but now the frontline has different focal points which complicates logistics and requires more effort from both sides. But now Ukraine is taking the initiative. Who could have imagined that in February two years ago? Certainly not Putin.
Q. Have the ministers reached any kind of agreement, political agreement around the Ukrainian request to relieve all restrictions on use of weapons on Russian military objectives in Russian territory? The second question on the money, you mentioned that you are considering the option to overcome so called "one-country veto" on EPF fund. Could you specify please which kind of solutions could be reached?
About the second question, the answer will be quick and disappointing because the answer will be: no, I cannot tell you because this kind of things cannot be publicised. More than concrete things, it is a will, you know. I cannot accept this blockade for months. I cannot accept to have €6 billion in my current account - in the current account the [European] External Action Service, I mean. This money has to go to the Member States. They have been providing military support to Ukraine and they are waiting to be reimbursed. So it has to be one way or another. We looked for a way to find a solution to the Hungarian opposition to use the revenues from the frozen assets in order to support Ukraine. By the way, we have sent the first more than one and a half billion [euro] to Ukraine in order to support the Ukrainian industry at home. Not to send arms, but to help them produce arms at home. So, if we found a way for that, maybe there is another way to avoid this blockade.
And yes, we discussed about the possibility of lifting the limits for the range of use of the arms provided to Ukraine. In the end, the conclusion is mainly that it is a national decision and Member States want to keep it as a national decision, and each one will take the decision that they consider appropriate. You know, some Member States do not send any kind of arms, not in any case rockets or missiles, so it is not a decision in which they can have any practical participation. And others said: "well, it is my decision to decide what I think, in accordance with my internal political decision." So, not a decision at the European level.
Full text: https://europa.eu/!T6w4qw